مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال دهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 58، تابستان 1398)

The Persian Gulf region has always been considered as one of the world›s most sensitive areas because of its geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic significance. According to Graham Fuller, this region is located in the global energy oval. Bahrain is one of the United States› oldest allies in the region, so that Bahrain was designated by the United States as a “major non-NATO ally”. Therefore, the country has a special position in the military and strategic calculations of the White House. With the advent of political developments in the West Asia region, Bahrain was also affected by these developments. The United States, as a global power, is one of the most influential players in developments occurring in the country. The overthrow of the Al Qalifa regime in Bahrain will be in conflict with the interests of Washington and its regional allies and will contribute to the achievement of Iran’s regional interests. The main question addressed in this study is: What strategy has the United States adopted towards the Bahraini popular movement? The hypothesis developed in this paper states that due to its strategic interests in Bahrain as well as regional competition with Iran, the United States prevents the formation of democratic changes and the empowerment of Shi›a in Bahrain by targeting Iran›s influence in the region. Therefore, with an interest-based look at the developments in the region including Bahrain, Washington is trying to turn the region into the warehouse of western weapons through Arab reactionary nations’ oil revenues. This paper employs a descriptive-analytic methodology within the framework of the theory of alliance strategy.

The present article first examines the views of Islamic feminists such as Mernissi, Ahmad and Al-Hibri on good governance, and then examines their ideas from the perspective of the official Islam. Islamic feminism is part of the current course of modernism in the Islamic world. In their view, Islamic laws that prevent the presence of women in the community have a historical nature. From the Islamic feminists› perspective, Islamic laws have degraded the indicators of good governance in Islamic countries, so they believe that by re-interpreting the Islamic text, conditions can be found for changing many Islamic laws regarding women›s affairs. For this reason, we are trying to review and critique the concept of Islamic feminism of good governance. According to this study, their perception of good governance suggests a lack of attention to cultural grounds .Using discourse analysis methodology, this article tries to review the works of the three of the most prominent theorists in this field from the official Islamist viewpoint. Ultimately, the process of facilitating good governance in Iran is expressed in the light of the official Islam.

The systematic nature of political competitions is regarded as one of the challenges of political systems, especially the religion-based political system. This paper aims at presenting theological approaches founded on theological jurisprudence and the theoretical framework of competition within the regime. To achieve this, the article suggests strategic focus on the vertices of theological geometry and proposes solutions such as the moderate and diverse political theology, the maximum political participation based on the divine-communal legitimacy, and the development of plurality and political freedom, Islamic broadmindedness, and religious political education, each of which can cover some aspects of such systems. The focus of article on the moderate and diverse political theology which includes an extreme end of absolute nature and on the other end a secularist minimum explains the separation of religion in various biological fields and areas of management based on the textual and metaphysical facts of Islam; in this respect, apart from the obligatory rulings, in Islamic view, a significant part of human life is separate from religious obligations and is distinguishable; there are generalities in all fields; in some areas generalities exist with some details. In the divine and public legitimacy the acceptance and satisfaction of the majority of the people is regarded as the judicial principle of “part of cause “for the legitimacy of judicial authority and government without which such authority cannot be considered legitimate and cannot be exercised. On the other hand, in Islam, political plurality is accepted in accordance with the laws of the religious community. And the verses 13 of Hijab Sura, 48 of Ma›edeh Surah, and 251 of Baqarah imply pluralism. Religious and political tolerance also contributes to systematizing the environment and political behavior of the religious community.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 led to a profound and fundamental transformation in the relations between Iran and the United States. Under the Influence of the transformation, the United States lost its former position as the most active country in Iran›s foreign policy. Meanwhile, issues such as the human rights, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, the missile programs and regional policy of Iran have been at the heart of the conflicts of both sides. Human rights are an integral part of international law, which has an institutional structure and is an integral part of political, economic, social, and cultural action and reactions around the world. Countries have accepted it for the promotion and protection of human rights and committed to support that. Different perceptions of the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran have shaped the categories of power and identity on the differences and disagreements between the two sides in the field of human rights issues. Regarding to this, the present article seeks to answer the main question that the human rights disputed between Iran and the United States can be explained in the light of theoretical and analytical structures. To answer this main question and achieve the research goals, this quest seeks to study the effects of identity and power for the political behaviors of the two countries using the discourse analysis method and referring to the constructive theoretical propositions and neorealism. The Findings show that in their human rights conflict the two countries have used two aspects of power or identity in accordance with the conditions.

Nowadays, the Theory of Recognition emerges as a new discourse, at the same time has been grown up in the field of Western philosophy and social sciences. In the present article, the fundamentals and intellectual principles of Axel Honneth’s thought – a German political philosopher who has an important role in the expansion of recognition theory – are studied. Honneth considered the concept of “recognition” as the basis of social conflict by re-interpreting the critical theory and aiming at eliminating the barriers that this theory has been struggling with at the beginning. He presented a new understanding of the concept of “identity” to pass the first generation of critical theory presented by Adorno, Horkheimer, and Marcuse, who all emphasized on negative dialectic and the second generation that emphasized on the communicative action in the universalism framework and Intersubjectivity to evaluate the perspective of the ethical experiences of subjects in interpersonal interactions based on recognition theory. The main question raised in the present study is “How does Axel Honneth evolve in contemporary radical issues by introducing measures in the framework of recognition theory with the critical approach?” In response to this question, the following hypothesis is proposed: Honneth has come up with a comprehensive view of recognition by relating three areas of identificators, namely, love and friendship with rights-based relationships and solidarity. He deduced this achievement as the basis of an infraclass analysis of contemporary radicalism and a critique of the orthodox view. The aim of the present study was to examine one of the growing trends in contemporary radicalism.

The foundation of John Rawls’ theory of justice is how to choose two principles of justice in a manner that the parties of dialogue reduce the level of their mistakes at least possible in their choices. Biased upon the theoretical principles in rational choices, deliberative rationality in particular, and also choosing constructivism- contrary to teleological and intuitional approaches which circumscribe options in the realm of right- Rawls makes an attempt to open path to a rational choice. Hence, rational, free and equal persons, choose the principles of justice through a considered dialogue with each other, and also with their yokefellows. In this research, I have used the methodology of conceptual analysis and critical evaluation on the basis of analytical philosophy. In this article, the core of the argument is that how and in which manner, Rawls’ deliberative rationality ends to an agreement among citizens. After the assessment of above-mentioned principle, the deliberative rationality in particular to attain a choice, the outcome of the research is access of citizens to agreement through thoughtful dialogue in order to solve macro social and political problems. In this regard, Rawls’ logical and well-organized theory as a strong philosophical support, increases the capacities and possibilities of effective dialogue, and eventually possible achievement to common fundamental agreements.

The formation of many modern institutions in the first Pahlavi era was not accidental, but, as it was expressed by Foucault, was derived from a particular political rationality with the aim of changing Iranians’ bio-politics. The article tries to answer “why and how did Reza Shah change the bi-politics?” and with the help of Foucaultian idea of Governmentality as the theoretical approach of research, this hypothesis is tested that, by constructing normal objects through the development of institutions such as the Unified Armed Forces, Civil Registration, and Hygiene as the techniques of governance emerged from a particular political rationality called “modernism,” the government tried to institutionalize the power relationship with in order to change Iranians’ bio-politics. The importance of the issue is to understand the philosophy behind the actions of governments and how to use the techniques that help them achieve their goals. Therefore, revealing the mechanisms and relationships of exercising domination and understanding the differences between governments in this regard are among the theoretical achievements of the research. Study of the documents and literature of the relevant period with a genealogical look that emphasizes on the of government’s micro-physics of power forms the method of the paper.